Across the globe, as existing megapolises expand, cities grapple with challenges of densification leading to the creation of satellite cities. Satellite cities have sprouted as urban offshoots on greenfield sites as a response to urban sprawl & rapid urbanization. India is an example of the same. Witnessing meteoric growth across sectors in the last few decades, it continues to grow with its fast-paced development trajectory. India is expected to house the largest urban population by 2050. Today 55% of the world population resides in urban areas, which is projected to increase to 68% by 2050. This growth is thus leading to the development of complex towns and satellite cities and the challenges that accompany them. While these fast-paced cities excel at providing affluent citizens housing and commercial infrastructure, the livability quotient it provides citizens belonging to varying socio-economic groups is questionable. Gurgaon is one of the four satellite cities of New Delhi. What was once a small-scale agriculture-based settlement is now synonymous with the image of urban India with sprawling skyscrapers, malls, offices and headquarters & houses the affluent. The glitz and glam of the city have transformed the image of the city as the Millennium City of India but as one scratches the surface, it is anything but. It stands to represent the complexity that most megapolises across the globe pose today. Gurgaon sits as an elite urban island with haphazard pockets of development. This was largely a result of the public-private partnership model that wasn’t implemented successfully. Private developers and government agencies developing civic infrastructure were not in tandem leading to a lack of services & infrastructure in the city. The city has seen private development without the required civic infrastructure that would make an egalitarian & equitable space. Public spaces serve only a selected socio-economic stratum, lacking all-inclusive spaces for communities. This paper seeks to explore challenges that Gurgaon is facing, which were only exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. In collaboration with Better Life Habitat, a non-profit organization that intends to improve the socio-cultural environment & infrastructure in urban India, this paper investigates urban voids in Gurgaon. The project identified explores the urban development and regeneration of barren lands of the Sector 55-56 market. The 50-acre site exists amidst a bustling residential neighborhood; with four independent open markets, outlining its peripheral arrangement. Though earmarked for green development in the Master Plan, this site has not seen development of any sort. Despite the markets serving as a vital backbone for the residents, their state is abysmal and there is a dire need for intervention. The project seeks to tap on the opportunities and strengths that this site provides - from providing connectivity between the four independent markets by activating the central zone as a communal hub, to retaining & strengthening the existing identity of the individual markets. By redesigning and reviving communal greens, the landscape of these markets would provide the opportunity to serve the larger community of residents of Gurgaon with its strong public character & multi-faceted program. Emphasis in the design process & planning is laid on user-oriented urbanism and the creation of equitable spaces ensuring socio-economic accessibility of all user groups. The design would result in the creation of a unique, one-of-a-kind urban space that would become a platform for community development. The project has been taken on with consultation with HUDA & other government authorities that would lead this initiative to become a precedent, paving the way for such developments in satellite cities across the globe.

The development of any community is inextricably linked to the space in which it occupies. This means that on the one hand the community shapes the space, on the other hand the space shapes the community. From among many urban development trends that gained acceptance and popularity in recent decades, such as smart city, eco city, 15-minute city or wise city, the author believes that the latter should play a leading role, since its aim is to balance the (inevitable) impact of modern technologies on urban planning and architecture through its coexistence with ecology and human potential. Certainly in the coming future we should form a space looking for its role rather than its shape. If the role of space is, among other things, to include all potential users in the participation of society, this will naturally fail without ensuring that urban / architectural space is accessible to them. The research related to neuroscience proves that the most negative emotions in social coexistence are caused by exclusion.This means that without implementing the principles of inclusive and social space we will not change this negative still functioning in many places, excluding various groups of state users from social life. In Poland, changes in this area are progressing, as it currently seems, in the right direction. In July 2019, a new law on "ensuring accessibility for people with special needs" was approved, forcing public authorities to take actions to ensure that all facilities under their authority are adapted to the limitations and needs of users with different degrees of disability (including people with physical disabilities, the blind and visually impaired, the deaf and hearing impaired, autistic people, the elderly, pregnant women, and many others). There is also a wide range of training on increasing awareness in this issue. Thanks to EU funding, universities have also been given the opportunity to introduce changes appropriate to accessibility for people with special needs in many domains, including spatial ones. The purpose of this paper is to present, on the example of public space belonging to the university campus in Gliwice, the planned and already to some extent implemented positive solutions not only in the field of elimination of architectural barriers, but also the implementation of new, innovative on a Polish scale arrangements for urban accessibility. The innovation concerns solutions for the blind and visually impaired. The concept consists in correlating commonly known tactile maps (tyflomaps) described in Braille with their innovative combination with Totupoint markers by Jan Szuster, a Polish engineer and innovator. These markers, based on an application in a smartphone, inform the user by voice from the actual location that the destination has been reached. These solutions are installed on the campus of the Silesian University of Technology in Gliwice.

In the last decades, the Spanish cities of Malaga and Seville have consolidated as destinations for cultural and urban tourism. The political commitment to position them as international destinations; rising the capacity of its transport infrastructure; increasing and diversification of tourist accommodation offer and focusing in the specialization of their historic centers; have transformed both cities and have made tourism a key factor in their post-industrial reconversion. However, at the same time, they have become fragile environments, not very resilient and a source of conflict and controversy. In the middle of the last decade, the first critical voices began to emerge from neighborhood movements, warning of the negative effects associated with the constant increase in visitors and the corresponding urban transformations. A situation that far from being limited to specific historic neighborhoods, has become generalized to the entire city. In the early stages these protests focused on the loss of local identity, the trivialization of the urban landscape or the problems of coexistence between tourists and local residents. Today, however, tourism is considered a phenomenon that puts the right to the city at risk. The precarious labor market caused by the economic monopoly of the touristic industry, the noise pollution and the opacity of the institutions associated with tourism, are some of the problems that several local associations are making visible, questioning the prevailing social and economic model and demanding different policies. It is precisely in this context that the debate around touristification makes evident the existence of other induced and highly relevant aspects for the future of the city, such as the expulsion from the neighborhood due to the increase in rents, the substitution of the traditional commercial fabric or the massification and privatization of public space. The Covid-19 pandemic, far from representing a turning point of these practices, puts at the center of the discussion not only the weakness of current urban structures, but also the society as a whole. Facing with a striking absence of the European Commission in the management of the emergency and a sounding lack of solidarity towards the hardest-hit countries, it is remarkable how it is promptly proposing to open “tourist corridors” to reactivate the economy. Risk management, the enhancement of public spaces, or the implementation of new city models seem necessary actions for an immediate future, although the first efforts of the municipal managers of Seville and Malaga aim to recover the pre-Covid situation as soon as possible. However, this “new normality” is unsustainable in a globalized context, and it seems to forget the need for hybrid, multifunctional and more articulated public spaces to respond to the greater physical distance that requires this post-emergency early phase. Through the analysis of direct observation, interviews with the agents involved, the analysis of the first actions promoted by both public managers and the solidarity networks that emerged during the confinement; a mapping of the transformations of public spaces and their conflicts will be carried out. We finally look at how recent theories on the cellular city, third places (Oldenburg, 2000), twenty-minute city models (Stanley, Stanley, and Davis), touristification (Harvey, 2013) and commoning (Kip) can offer different approaches to the needed transformations of these two cities.

Abstract: COVID-19 broke out at the end of 2019, and China achieved remarkable results in COVID-19's prevention and control. Till to May 2021, the epidemic has basically been controlled in China. Community prevention and control plays a key role. In order to clarify the planning impact mechanism of epidemic prevention and control at community level in China. This paper proposes grounded theory research method and conducts in-depth interviews with residents, managers and merchants in typical communities in China. Three different epidemic scenarios (none, mild, and moderate or severe) have been studied for community epidemic prevention and control from the perspective of behavior compliance and planning support. Through the process of open coding, axis coding and selective coding, 84 concepts, 18 subcategories and 5 main categories were obtained. Finally, from the five aspects of "residents' needs", "epidemic compliance behavior ", "community governance", "multiple scenarios application" and "public facilities and planning", the paper puts forward the planning support model and five core factors of epidemic prevention and control. It is found that in three different epidemic scenarios, users' functional needs and behavior choices for life circle are also different, including business types and travel modes. China's community epidemic prevention and control can be used as a successful example. The conclusions of this study provide a theoretical support for promoting community epidemic management and community planning worldwide.

Public Transport is considered a sustainable mode of mobility, in light of lesser per capita carbon foot print; studies suggest the majority public transit users are from lower or middle income groups (Cardozo et al., 2012, Pagliara and Papa, 2011). In order to strengthen the public transit ridership, the concept of Transit Oriented Development (TOD), featuring high density affordable residential neighborhoods near the transit station, has been coined and implemented world over. It has been observed during literature review that proximity to transit has positive impact on land value, while there is a mixed literature on the association between transit proximity and real estate values, there is scant literature relating transit proximity to real estate rents. As India is striving to achieve affordable housing for all by year 2025 and for achieving this goal providing self owned housing is the biggest challenge. Therefore recently India adopted Rental Housing Policy (RHP) which envisages promoting affordable rental housing as an alternative choice of housing. Studies found that citizens who lived in affordable rental housing belong to economically weaker sections whose primary mode of transport is public transit. Therefore it is quite important to validate the impact of transit service on housing rents. This research paper thus analyses the relationship between housing rents & transit proximity. Transit network of Bhopal city was mapped along with housing rents of different areas as derived from the property listing websites. Using data regarding location and pricing extracted from property rental websites and the transit station coordinates, the association between transit corridor proximity and rents with respect to distance from the transit corridor centerlines is estimated. A hedonic model for estimating this effect of transit systems on housing rents was used for the city of Bhopal, India. The model is used to estimate the external benefits concerning property rental values which may be attributed to the public transport service at the present time. Impact of public transit systems on housing rents was found significant, with strong positive associations between housing rents and transit station proximity. Implications are offered for land use planning along public transport in order to promote affordable housing near transit station. Keywords: Urban; Transit; Impact; Housing; Rent; India

A new model of planning- is needed that can simultaneously provide direction and coordination whilst working inclusively in more complex governance settings. This requires both, reform of the formal institutions of planning, law and instruments, but also crucially the informal ‘ways of doing’ planning, the norms and practices of planners. “The New Planning Dialogue” as an initiative sought an approach to systematize the innovative planning instruments to be adapted in an appropriate manner, by creating a community of practice. "The New Planning Manifesto", presented as the case study will highlight the findings and showcase the results from the dialogues. In an era defined by climate change, huge resource consumption, a lack of social cohesion, rapidly accelerating technological innovations, economic shifts, and the transformation of political systems, solutions must be pursued at every level of action (Pahl-Weber et al. 2013). Acknowledging the critical urban challenges, in the context of high uncertainty and increased complexity, the conventional ways of design and planning as well as the available tools for implementation are no longer able to cope with. Formal planning instruments and procedures have often been unpopular and ineffective for solving complex spatial issues (Papamichail & Peric 2019). On the other hand, ‘Informal Planning’ instruments and procedures do not underlie the fixed procedures of public planning law, so that they can be designed flexibly and matched to the conditions according to the occasion, the topic or the constellation of stakeholders. This includes the possibility to revise and correct the procedure during the planning process (Pahl-Weber 2010). In its broadest sense, informal planning includes the principles of collaborative dialogue, diverse networks, trustful relationships and tailor-made processes among interested parties (Papamichail & Peric, 2019). The methodology followed was a series of practitioner debates, proved as a platform to learn and evaluate with peers concerned with the common urgencies. A dialogue format ensured the inclusivity while learning from each other’s perspectives in an explicit way. To quote H Bouwman (METREX), while laying the ‘Groundwork’ in The New Planning Dialogue, “Strategies are needed to cross the borders of politics. The government is institutionally handicapped to instrumentalize change”. Dialogue as a method was experimented as a tool to instrumentalize movement and knowledge dissemination in the planning and design practice. Tracy Metz quoted,“The New planning is a ‘movement’ that rethinks planning as a profession”. Aimed as a stimulus to operate better planning methods, The New Planning Dialogue looked at innovative ways of working between administrative scales, carrying forward the positives from traditional planning methods. Fitting appropriately within the main idea of “Planning Unlocked”, The New Planning Paradigm showcases the findings from eight dialogues between scales and subjects in the field of planning taking examples from Europe. These dialogues have successfully connected theory to practice by debating over numerous approaches and working methods, inspiring everyone and putting an emphasis on implementing projects and narratives for spatial challenges. The New Planning Paradigm is a Manifesto of the vital dilemmas reacting to global urgencies, while concentrating on Informal Planning methods. The manifesto encourages a change in the practice of spatial planning, to bolster resilience, livability and to ensure a more sustainable, integrated and inclusive development. In this report, a line of discourse on the process of interscaler planning; repositioning the planner; method of clarifying and simplifying the formal planning procedures; creating a common language to bridge the gap, to explicate what people can expect realistically will be presented. The manifesto encourages everyone to engage to take back control together, while relating to planning goals and actions to their own situation forming a deliberative democratic model towards an empowered society.

Many cities and municipalities have joined the covenant of mayors for climate and energy. In the EU alone, more than 10,000 have signed up and made public their ambitions to achieve net-zero by a certain date. Examples in Belgium include the city of Leuven, which wants to be carbon neutral by 2030. It is one of the front runners of the more than 200 cities, towns and municipalities of Belgium that have started down this path. The usual approach is to divide the city into districts and proceed district by district with a program of activities spanning the development of local systems for renewable energy, energy, and resource efficiency, as well as carbon sequestration. A typical urban district contains many different kinds of actor. These include private residents, some of which are in social housing. They include public institutions such as schools, clinics, sports facilities and public infrastructure for transport and utilities. They include the offices of large companies and of course SMEs, many of these just small family businesses such as shops cafés and small offices. There is a tendency to under-estimate the complexity of the task of implementing energy and climate projects with such a varied and fragmented set of actors. There is a need for planning models that effectively engage with such a wide variety of actors in a single region, over a limited window of time. The author will report on the results of its work in a project entitled INNOVEAS, which studies the problem of how to encourage SME adoption of the energy and climate practices necessary for them to achieve net-zero. This project has ed to the conclusion that there is a need for massive change in the way this issue is addressed by public authorities, and it has established a working group of practitioners to develop a “manifesto for massive change” explaining how the system needs to evolve, the actors, the skills, and capabilities as well as their practices, in order to encourage SMEs to embark on the journey to net zero, at pace and at scale. In parallel with this, the author is working on a second project entitled POLIRURAL, which has piloted a series of innovation in the application of participative governance processes such as Foresight to the development of regional Foresight. The focus in this project is on the COVID recovery plan, the EU Green deal, and the role of biodiversity in next generation economic models. He draws upon recent innovations in the application of participative Foresight for the development and implementation of stake-holder driven action plans and roadmaps intended to drive growth in a post COVID, green economy based on the wedding cake model of sustainability, where natural resources and biodiversity underpin new and emerging models of social and economic development. This project has piloted a number of process and content innovations in the application of Foresight to the challenge of rural development which may be applicable to the challenge of planning for the development of green resilient cities and towns, in particular for the mobilization of SMEs resident in urban areas, whose contribution to achieving the overall ambition of net zero is essential, but which has so far proved elusive.

Maker Majlis is a space where the young leaders of the world can unleash their creativity and innovative ideas to contribute to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Maker Majlis hosts workshops, educational programs, and events focusing on the SDGs. It is at the intersection of formal, non-formal and informal learning. The Maker Majlis is hosted under the College of Islamic Studies at Hamad Bin Khalifa University (HBKU), a member of Qatar Foundation in Doha, Qatar, i.e. a formal educational setting. It invites partners to teach and train youth about topics beyond the confines of a classroom or educational curriculum, i.e. a non-formal setting. Maker Majlis fuses Sustainable Development Goals, Faith, and Qatar National Vision in a local setting, which helps the youth build local-global connections and approach global challenges from local perspectives and local needs from global lenses. Maker Majlis provides opportunities to the community members where they can explore their creative and innovative thinking and produce ideas and solutions to local and global challenges, i.e. informal learning. At one event under Maker Majlis, for example, more than 1000 high school students participated from more than 15 schools in Qatar and started their formal to informal learning journey outside HBKU. They were taken through a refugee camp simulation experience to learn about the struggles of refugees in adapting to a new and unfamiliar environment. They, then, moved inside HBKU, where they directly spoke to real refugees about their struggles. After that, they attended workshops delivered by some of Maker Majlis’ partners and participated in a Makeathon to create solutions for the struggles of those refugees. In between these stations, participants were exposed to different organizations in a gallery setting where they witnessed real life examples of how to apply these solutions in their businesses.

Indonesia is experiencing rapid economic growth in recent years, with significant infrastructure development as one of the priorities of the government. Due to its large size and population, the social and economic conditions may differ from one region to another. The local community is the most affected group from the spatial planning as part of the infrastructure development. Therefore, the inclusion of citizens’ participation in spatial planning is crucial. Participatory spatial planning is defined by Tore Sager (2015) as a certain phase of the planning process where the local citizens provide inputs and advice to planners and elected representatives, which is needed to develop not only an orderly and beautiful city, but also a city that fulfils the needs of the society. Inclusivity has been institutionalized within the Indonesian law and regulation framework through the notion of ‘Public Participation in Spatial Planning’ since 1992, although the detail was set thereafter in 2010 in the Government Regulation Number 68 Year 2010. However, some challenges persisted in the varied level of participation due to different socio-economic background, education level, and language, among others. The pandemic has undoubtedly exacerbated these challenges, mainly due to the limited mobilization and use of digital technology in remote areas. These issues caused the public participation in spatial planning to be less optimal and hinder the inclusivity of the local community within the planning process. This paper aims to assess different case studies of infrastructure projects, namely Ibu Kota Negara (new capital city of Indonesia) Masterplan, Balongan Masterplan, and Kertajati Airport Master Plan, through comparative analysis. These projects are included in Indonesia’s National Strategic Projects and conducted through participatory planning with different methods and tools. The assessment will include, but not limited to methods mentioned by Hoefsloot and van den Berg (1998) such as the process of defining and perceiving problems, negotiation and mediation between stakeholders, the cost taken to meet the requirements, and how much the result could fulfill the initial goal and solve the problem. The result of this analysis will elaborate to what extent the participatory planning can be regarded as successful. It then gives recommendations for future participatory planning.