Harbin, a city located in Northeast China, was founded by the Russians in 1898 when Russia commenced building the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) under the 1896 Li-Lobanov Treaty. As the Russian administrative centre of the railway, Harbin boomed to be ‘the second biggest city in Asia after Shanghai’ by the 1920s. The Russian colonial rule brought European architecture to the city, in which context the Chinese Baroque architectural style – a hybrid of Baroque façade and Chinese traditional quadrangle – was created. Today, Harbin, especially its Daowai District, still accommodates a large number of Chinese Baroque buildings. Since the early 2010s, there has been an ongoing heritage-driven urban development project in Daowai District. The project aims to revitalise its Chinese Baroque neighbourhood by transforming the historic area into one of the three largest tourist areas in Harbin. To carry out the plan, native people were forced to move out, which caused widespread discontent within the community. While a small part of the area has been renovated and in turn gentrified and transformed into a tourist destination, many historic buildings are still left empty and even unattended to decay. With archival analysis, observation, and semi-structured interviews, this paper critically analyses the urban exclusion due to built heritage conservation and renovation, and investigates how to make heritage-driven urban development more inclusive and sustainable. In-depth interviews were conducted with local people, urban planners, travel agents, and government officials, to understand their perceptions of the exclusiveness and inclusiveness of heritage-based urban planning and urban revitalisation. This paper argues that the dilemma faced by the Chinese Baroque neighbourhood is not only a cultural/social problem but also an economic problem. While Chinese Baroque buildings are significant in terms of architecture, art, and history, the conservation, refurbishment, and promotion of the neighbourhood are mainly to profit the city in terms of economy. For the economically depressed city of Harbin, the key to sustainable urban development is to keep a balance among various needs – between the needs of the local community within the historic area and those of the broader society, and between the heritage-focused social/cultural needs and the tourism-focused economic needs. Suggestions are also made for a more inclusive future of the planning and management of both this Chinese Baroque area and similar historic areas.

Public participation in planning decision-making has become an important link in the process of urban construction and renewal all over the world. The changes of environment will significantly change the life of residents in their place of residence, especially in the old urban renewal, so the opinions of local residents are particularly critical. Therefore, the research on the relationship between people and place in the renewal area has maintained a sustained growth trend in recent years. Sense of place is an important concept in human geography, which describes the special relationship between people and place that is produced by the long-term interaction. Yi-Fu Tuan, a scholar of human geography, believes that place, which is the basis of people life, has special significance only through people activities. It provides all the background of people life and gives individuals or groups a sense of security and identity. Jorgensen and Stedman believe that the sense of place can be regarded as the residents' attitude towards the place of residence. Past research shows that strong sense of place may be the reason for residents' support to policies, so sense of place can play an important role in predicting, guiding and managing residents' emotional objects, behavior patterns and supporting attitudes towards planning policies. In order to further explore the relationship between residents' sense of place and their attitude towards the future development direction of urban renewal area, this study selected Xiangfang old industrial zone in Harbin, Heilongjiang Province, a famous old industrial zone in Northeast China, as the research object, which is in the stage of urban renewal. Now, this industrial zone, which was prosperous in the past, is upgrading and showing a slight depression.The study investigated 300 local residents' sense of place intensity and their recognition of the four future development directions of the region, including: paying attention to industrial transformation and economic development, paying attention to social revitalization and community vitality, paying attention to historical protection and cultural heritage, and paying attention to environmental improvement and ecological protection. Firstly, this study tests whether the dimension division of sense of place is suitable for local residents, and calculates the intensity of sense of place of residents in Xiangfang old industrial zone.Then the preference differences of residents with different intensity of sense of place for the future development direction of the region are calculated.The study also calculates the influence of the intensity of different dimensions of the sense of place on the preference of different development directions, and finally makes a discussion based on the local actual situation. The results show that the residents' sense of place can be divided into place attachment, place dependence and place identity, and the overall intensity is high. Moreover, the difference in the dimension and intensity of the sense of place indeed lead to different opinions of residents on the future development direction of the region, which may affect public participation in planning decision-making. These results can help the urban renewal of Xiangfang old industrial zone and provide reference for other similar areas. More importantly, this study proves that sense of place can be used as an aspect of residents' survey, which provides a way for the public to participate in planning decision-making in the future. Government and other policy makers can take sense of place as an important basis, so that urban construction can better meet the wishes of local residents in the future public participation in planning practice.

As the global urban agenda is increasingly being restructured by major emphasis on the reproduction of urban space as an opportunity space both in the developed but more in the developing world, the implications on the society becomes a major subject in the current urban discourse. The current urban agenda of Istanbul implies constant pressure to renewal in every square metre of the urban spatiality including inner-city slums, peripheral migrant neighbourhoods and historic neighbourhoods. The casualties in the process of transformation of cities do not solely reflect the change of ownership patterns, the disappearance of security, the destruction of urban fabric; the same process also draws on the lost of communities, their heritage and memories. The mechanized system created by the standardization on transformation approach erases the 'simple' everyday life routines, and new urban areas are created where the individual cannot exist. On the other hand side, the way the built environment is planned or transformed plays a decisive role for the citizens not only in participating everyday life practices, but also in participating the everyday making of an inclusive, democratised society. The city that shapes the everyday life of the individual is also the place where individual existence struggles, encounters, and consciousness of being a society. Listening the stories of people and learning from their everyday life narratives is therefore essential for strengthening the bond between the city and society in unlocking planning. It is therefore the particular goal of this research to call for a critical perspective based on empirical insight into the everyday life narratives of communities within transforming cities. Built on a story of one family in Istanbul’s Esenler Havaalani Neighbourhood, the research attempts to explore the conflicts of current urban renewal policy and to showcase the intangible dynamics of the renewal initiatives in between migration, mobility and displacement from the perspective of the community. The questions that structured the research are: How the relationship between urban spatiality, society and everyday life can be read within the context of neoliberal urban agenda? What is the impact of renewal-based urbanisation and urbanity on the discovery of everyday life practices? And how can the knowledge on everyday life narratives can foster transformative change in the way we manage our cities? Ethnographic approaches, particularly narrative or life histories that are fed from everyday life stories and focusing on the foundations of traditional social behaviours are used as the research method. On the contrary to current urbanization politics isolating the urban space from society and in return the society from urban space, the exploration on the everyday life allows a holistic quest on the need for inclusiveness, empowerment and resilience in a world of isolation, fragmentation and displacement.

This paper attempts to answer the question: How can community micro-regeneration projects in Chinese cities be situated and contextualised as particular kinds of practices to build sustainable communities? The research discussed in this paper focuses on Beijing Old City. It situates state-led regeneration practices engaging various actors in historic residential community spaces within a global discourse of community resilience. Community resilience has been implied in micro-regeneration projects in Chinese cities since it emphasises the process of exercising agency and combining community strengths to thrive in changing circumstance (Berkes and Ross, 2012). Micro-regenerations based on public participation increasingly are viewed as mainstream practices in historic district regeneration projects at the community level (Sha et al., 2019). This strategy allows small community spaces to become the object of renovation while using local resources and empowering local residents. The research analyses the tendency in Chinese urban regeneration practices focused on participatory design and co-production of places through a resilience-focused perspective. This paper discusses the potential similarities and differences between the East and West resilience and co-production discourse. Over the last forty years, Chinese cities' rapid urbanisation and social transformation have been broadly discussed and researched. The speed of the process and its orientation on the creation of China as a modern, future-oriented, urban nation put the historical parts of Chinese cities at the risk of being neglected and unwanted. As a representative among these cities, Beijing has removed long-time Old City residents from other marginal districts and replaced many historical houses with new skyscrapers. However, the rapid urbanisation focused on the creation of the contemporary urban fabric causes questions and controversies. The process is criticised for leading to inequality, social injustice and marginalisation of poorer and older states of Chinese society. In order to address this situation, the Chinese government has implemented its new historic cities conservation plan (Measures for the Protection of the Historical and Cultural Landmark of Beijing, 2021). This document proposes an approach described by Chinese academics as a 'micro-regeneration strategy' (Hou, 2019) to conduct incremental regeneration and promote community resilience. In that context, state-led co-production, collaborative governance, and 'commoning' (means a transformational process concerned with the sharing of resources and ways of doing) become the tripartite instrument that aims to enable the residents of Chinese cities to build resilience and address the social and economic problems of historic district regeneration. This paper explores the resource/social network and collaborative governance during and after the co-productive micro-regeneration process and resituates the community resilience discourse through the lens of space and the notion of the commons. The focus is on transforming Chinese historic conservation planning policies, governing and practice networks, construction processes, and citizen engagements in a state-led co-productive micro-regeneration project. One example of the co-produced micro-regeneration project located in Beijing Old City will be presented and discussed. The data has been collected and interpreted primarily in the framework of (constructivist) grounded theory. This study resituates the community resilience conceptual framework to allow for a new understanding of the Chinese government's shift towards co-production and collaborative governance between the government and the public, which combines elements from both traditional Chinese understanding of 'the commons' and western rooted resilience theory.

Urban villages mainly refer to rural settlements in China, whose agricultural land have been used by cities during the process of accelerated urbanization, but the homesteads are left and surrounded by the cities. Before 2005, urban villages were considered as “social tumours”, and were widely criticised for their disorganised physical space and unmanageable floating population. However, urban villages are also the first choice for migrant workers because of their low rental prices. In Guangzhou and Shenzhen, the two cities with the largest number of urban villages in China, these villages accommodate about 50% and 70% of the city's population respectively, of which about 90% are migrant workers. Yet during the epidemic, there were surprisingly few confirmed cases in urban villages, and in even smaller proportions compared to the vast migrant population they house, which is assumed to be the main distribution chain for the virus. Of hundreds communities in Guangzhou and Shenzhen with confirmed cases, there are only about 20 urban villages, less than 10% of the total. This research selects Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, which have the highest total population and a relatively high proportion of floating population, as the case cities. Then it groups the releases according to the category of commercial housing communities, urban villages and old communities, and uses the social network analysis function of ROST CM6 software to analyse the connectedness of actors, action spaces and measures taken in the epidemic prevention in different communities. It found that, unlike the centralised governance model of commercial housing communities and old communities, urban villages present more of a polycentric governance model. In this way, they have advantages in policy publicity, floating population identification and material supply. Urban villages are networks of social relations based on blood ties, which cannot be replicated in other types of communities. Nevertheless, with the growing awareness of citizenship among community residents, it is an indisputable fact that community self-organisations are developing and playing an increasing role in community governance. The community governance in the future shall focus on the overall interests of the community residents, maximise the participation of different community parties, encourage the community to own a certain amount of properties, and create a polycentric community governance mechanism together.

Participatory slum upgrading (PSUP) has been vigorously promoted by UN-Habitat as a bottom up strategy to inclusive planning. It is envisioned that by putting slums on urban maps and by involving the residents of unplanned settlements in the planning processes there will be more sustainable and tangible results. Zambia which has a high rate of urbanization (about 45%) has high numbers of urban residents living in unplanned settlements. The country has undergone several modes and methods of slum upgrading over the years. Along with other countries, Zambia has entered Phase 3 of the PSUP, during which goals such as reduction of susceptibility to flooding, better infrastructure and access to essential services through road and drainage improvement, and improved potable water will receive attention. This paper presents a case study of the process of community led Local Area Planning in Lusaka which is part of the third phase of PSUP. In 2019 five Wards were selected to pilot the process of developing Local Area Plans (LAPs) under the PSUP. French et al, outline several factors which advance transformative upgrading among which are inclusive governance and community empowerment. The process of preparing the local Area Plans started with constituting a technical working group comprising of representatives from all the departments spearheaded by director City Planning comprising of Human Resource and Administration, Valuation and Real Estate, Engineering, Legal, Finance, Public Health and Housing and Social Services. The technical groups responsibility was to; Identify pilot wards; identify of stakeholders; develop terms of reference for the consultants and develop materials for community engagement process. Selected community members were trained in various skills so that they could lead the processes. An analysis of the planning process reveals that communities feel a greater sense of ownership when they are involved in from the beginning. It was also found that due to long term collaboration between the local authority, the university and the Slum Dwellers International affiliate NGO, the community members trusted the process and were willing to participate fully in the co-production of information required for the area plans. The idea is that the participatory processes empower communities and encourages stakeholder involvement but the questions often asked is does this really attain the goal of community empowerment? The donor support for the community engagement in the LAP processes came about after central government committed to the third phase of PSUP. It was also realized that environmental issues in communities were deteriorating rapidly because communities did not have adequate involvement in planning and decision making at the local level. The causal factors for the lack of engagement were listed as non-participation of all community members, low awareness of communities on their rights and responsibilities. The processes are replicable in instances where there is inadequate financing for local area plan creation. The approach empowered communities with knowledge of what they can demand from their civic leaders. Lessons learnt were that community participation takes time and relationships need to be built with the different stakeholders long before participatory activities can be successfully implemented.

Old industrial areas often face economic decline and population aging problems. Industrial heritage can be a catalyst for sustainable development. However, in the political and cultural discourse since modern times, the “old industrial area” is often regarded as the “other” of modernity, a passive place to be saved by top-down efforts, and its own subjectivity and industrial heritage is often ignored or underestimated. Although the 798 Art District in Beijing, China and the Pier-2 Art Centre in Kaohsiung, Taiwan have obvious bottom-up characteristics, the participants are outsiders rather than residents of the old industrial area, and cannot be used as a classic mechanism. The case of Shimizusawa old industrial area in Yubari City, Japan shows a de-industrialized old mining town that actively uses its industrial heritage to seek its own development. This article uses field research and literature review method to introduce the historical evolution and heritage development of this area in 4 steps, including: 1) From "a strong mining area" to a "hollow town": the changes in the Shimizusawa area. 2) The origin of industrial heritage development. The outside is the support of the macro strategy, that is, Sorachi's regional revitalization strategy for coal mine region, which based on industrial heritage tourism to develop economy, and Shimizusawa was chosen as an important point in this strategy. The interior is a bottom-up development appeal, that is, the establishment of NPO and the proposal of the concept of eco-museum. The development of industrial heritage takes value transmission as the core, focuses on cultivating the pride of local residents (especially children), meets people who are interested in and helpful to the area, and makes people work together for the development of the area. 3) Main methods of industrial heritage development. Including the overall planning that respects the characteristics of the site and the implantation of emerging industry functions, the creation of the memory museum, the stage and dynamic plans. And the development of cultural heritage activities such as art and the launch of emigration projects. 4) The key personnel of industrial heritage development. The community participates in planning and operation together, with NPO as the leader, elderly and middle-aged people as the main personnel of implementation, and children as the key training objects. The research conclusions: The revitalization process of Shimizusawa provides an excellent case for the proposal of the community-driven mechanism, and its success has proved the effectiveness of this mechanism: 1) The impetus of Shimizusawa's industrial heritage renewal and local revitalization comes from the real needs of the community to solve the survival dilemma, 2) the heritage resources it relies on mainly come from tangible heritage and intangible heritage, and continue to expand and innovate on this basis. Through maintenance, reconstruction and new construction and other methods, the integration of tangible and intangible heritage, Finally, the industrial culture was revitalized; 3) A broad community composed of NPOs and ordinary residents participated and worked together to complete the process of development and revitalization; 4) Finally, the area was revitalized from a "hollow town" to a well-known "industrial characteristic town", and the residents benefited from the industrial heritage development and local revitalization. The research application: This mechanism is a revision to the popular local concept of treating old industrial areas as passively waiting for rescue, and has positive implications for the current implementation of the revitalization strategy of old industrial areas: only by fully respecting and giving full play to the subjectivity and initiative of industrial areas, can the revitalization and sustainable development of old industrial areas be realized.

The New York City Department of Transportation (DOT) initiated the Better Buses Action Plan in 2019 to improve the speed of buses throughout NYC by 25 percent and increase the number of bus riders by the end of 2020. Although the COVID-19 crisis impacted these plans, NYC DOT is taking the initiative to evaluate and enhance its efforts to incorporate equity and the needs of equitable populations in its Better Buses Action Plan project selection, evaluation, and community outreach processes. NYU’s Team composed the report as a summary of best practices from other U.S. cities’ inclusion of equity, considerations provided by NYC DOT stakeholders, analysis of NYC DOT’s selected priority corridors, and suggestions for NYC DOT to improve its processes. The team conducted stakeholder outreach through the distribution of a survey as well as a roundtable discussion. Furthermore, the team created maps (https://public.tableau.com/app/profile/maitri5379/viz/SocialVulnerabilityIndexandNYCDOTsBusPriorityCorridorsComparativeAnalysisforNewYorkCity/MP_Story) to visualize the intersections of NYC DOT priority bus routes with demographics by census tract and graphics to show existing disparities in transportation experiences for equity populations within New York City. The analysis and findings of this report led the team to propose the following recommendations to elevate the emphasis on equity in NYC’s Better Buses Action Plan: A. Project Selection - Give higher weight to equity measures within the project selection process. Equity considerations should not be subordinate to technical factors, professional judgment and political considerations in the project selection process. NYC DOT should implement a standardized prioritization matrix that assigns additional points to corridors with routes that serve concentrations of people of color, frontline workers, people with disabilities, and locations of low-paying jobs and jobs in essential industries. In order to ensure a substantial emphasis on serving this diverse spectrum of equity populations. - Allocate a significant portion of bus priority funds to projects that disproportionately serve equity populations. To some extent, all investments in bus priority measures will impact equity populations, as overall bus ridership skews toward equity populations. However, to further promote the inclusion of equity populations in the Better Buses Action Plan, NYC DOT should consider adopting a funding distribution system that favors projects that score highly in the equity categories of the project prioritization matrix. B. Public Engagement - Use technology to engage with riders. NYC DOT should continue integrating technology into its public outreach efforts, including through the use of social media, the OMNY system and QR codes at bus stops. These tools are increasingly accessible to the general public and should be expanded to all planned projects moving forward. A key lesson from the COVID- 19 pandemic has been that online meetings and forums can increase public engagement, especially for bus riders who may not be able to attend in-person meetings. - Establish a Transportation Equity Community Partnership Program. To better understand the needs of equity populations, NYC DOT should expand its Community Advisory Board (CAB) and Better Buses Advisory Group (BBAG) model to include local organizations who work in direct service to equity populations. C. Project Evaluation - Track and publish the results of the Better Buses projects annually. Measure changes in bus speeds, on-time performance and bunching. This information should be easily accessible to riders at bus stops and online. - Follow up with riders on implemented corridors. NYC DOT should continue its engagement with riders after implementation of bus priority projects to ensure that their needs have been met and to gain insight into future projects. - Re-evaluate the project selection criteria annually. The project selection criteria should be re-evaluated routinely in order to ensure that corridors that disproportionately serve equity populations are being selected more often.

Mumbai’s vision of a ‘Slum Free’ city calls for a shift from the currently prevalent ‘developer driven’ to a ‘community led’ redevelopment process. The developer led market driven model, wherein the sale of housing units in the open market helps cross subsidisation of free units for the slum dwellers, has led to the creation of vertical slums, a compromise on the socio-economic fabric of slum communities. The population of Mumbai is 9.35 million, of which 4.62 million live in slums. The Government of Maharashtra established the Slum Redevelopment Authority (SRA) in 1997 to address the redevelopment of slums in the state. The SRA scheme facilitates the redevelopment of slums through the concept of land-sharing, where open sale of housing units in the market allows the cross-subsidising of free units for the slum dwellers. However, the full authority and discretion on decisions concerning the quality of construction lies in the hands of private developers. Driven by profit margins, developers use upto 75% of the available land to build units that they can sell, while forcing the existing slum dwellers into the remaining 25%, transforming horizontal slums to vertical ones in the name of high-rise development. The rehabilitation provides free units to the slum dwellers. Whilst families have got free homes, they have had to sacrifice ventilation, daylight, social spaces, open spaces, and safety, leading to very unhygienic conditions and unsustainable communities. Alternatively, slum dwellers can collectively organise themselves to take the responsibility of redevelopment, with the help of the state government, local authorities, financial institutions, NGOs and professionals to design and manage their project. They can themselves lead the efforts to improve their overall standard of living from the physical, social as well as the economic perspective. The Architect proposes a model to help the slum communities lay claim to their right of living as dignified residents of the city, through such a self-focused, community-oriented approach. Each slum community is unique in terms of their needs & aspirations. The Architect suggests adopting a democratic process in identifying the highest aspirations of the slum dwellers, in ensuring societal empowerment & equality for all. A community workshop shall aid to capture every member's needs, prioritizing them using the 80/20 principle & a voting system. Thus, deriving a design brief unique to each community. The architecture design of these Community-Led Developments will focus on creating spaces that foster community interactions from a macro to a micro level. The overall density of the developments will be 30% lesser than SRA Scheme Developments while offering increased unit sizes, improved living conditions, ample natural light and ventilation, safety, an equal share of open spaces, social amenities, quality construction with low maintenance costs and individual development. This kind of power to Slum Redevelopment can only be given by the government to the people of the slums for a boost in their lifestyle. Instead of handing over pockets of slums to builders, government support for a community-led approach will ensure the successful upliftment of slums in Mumbai. KEYWORDS : Community Development, Slums, Mumbai, Slum redevelopment, Affordable housing, Sustainable community The following are a few references for our study: 1. Hindman, Michelle, Olivia Lu-Hill, Sean Murphy, Sneha Rao, Yash Shah, and Zequi Zhu. 2015. “Addressing Slum Redevelopment Issues in India.” Dow Sustainability Fellowship 2015. 2. Menon, Madhusushan. n.d. Opportunities And Challenges In Housing The Economically Weaker Sections Of The Society. Accessed 2021. 3. P.K.Das Associates. 2012. Open Mumbai Re-envisioning the city & its open spaces. Mumbai: P.K.Das. 4. Slum Rehabilitation Authority, Maharashtra. n.d. “List Wise SRA Schemes.” Projects. Accessed 2020.

As a famous historical and cultural city in China, the ancient city of Suzhou has large numbers of well-preserved traditional residential building communities. However, like most historical and cultural cities in China, the ancient city of Suzhou is currently facing a serious population aging problem. In the sixth census in 2010, the proportion of the elderly over 65 years old accounted for 17.4%, far higher than Suzhou’s average rate 8.5%. In recent years, the proportion of the elderly population has shown an upward trend. The Suzhou government believes that the proportion of the elderly population remains high, resulting in a decline in the proportion of the labor force in the ancient city, which further affects the economic development and vitality of the ancient city. Therefore, the local government intends to relieve some of the elderly population through policy measures. However, the ultra-large spatial scale and standardized facility configuration of modernized communities in China at this stage pose challenges to the daily travel behavior of the elderly. Since the public space of the community carries the behavioral activities of individuals, there is an interactive relationship between behavior and space. From the perspective of the elderly, based on the analysis of space-behavior coupling degree, this paper measures the health level of daily life space from the aspects of diversity, accessibility, and participation, and adopts survival behavior, family behavior, spontaneous behavior and group behavior to measure the behavior diversity of the elderly, and builds a space-behavior coupling evaluation index system to quantify and evaluate the interaction between the behavior of the elderly and the public space, which reflects the difference in the suitability of the two types of communities. The research result indicates that the traditional residential communities in the ancient city have higher coupling and coordination, and are more suitable for the elderly to live in, providing a basis for the aged spend their old age still in the ancient city.

The current planning practice in Germany is insufficiently prepared for a solution-oriented approach to competing user interests. These demand new approaches to creating truly open, honest participation processes. The planning instruments in Germany, such as the Building Law provide for public participation (§3 BauGB), but not how it is to take place. This means freedoms, but also procedural insecurity. In scarcity-driven administrative contexts, this manoeuvring space is not used. Instead, guarded work-to-rule is done and participation stays a top-down, upstream information process without feedback to citizens on how the information is used (Brown, 2018). Administrations cannot interpret if it is unclear which freedoms exist: a vicious circle. Public presentations and workshop formats follow the pattern. Participation stays citizen consultation. Planning processes are long: several years lie between planning permission and implementation. Klaus Selle warns:„participatory processes often miss their target: instead of bringing diverse perspectives together and weighing arguments on their foundation to reach a consensus, processes are often characterized by ignorance, polemical polarisation and the amplification of a lack of trust in institutions“ (Selle, 2021). Using the case study of an inner-city square re-design, initiated and organized by civil society, a novel planning approach is developed to address civil society‘s demands for real engagement and collaboration. To achieve liveable cities, theory-based development planning alone is inadequate. Co-creative methods and the principle of experiencing, not purely thinking city planning are fundamental considerations. In an open, solution-oriented process, all competences of urban society are pooled: 1. Local civil society, businesspeople and service providers as experts of existing conditions in the place. 2. City planning and technical offices are experts for efficient and functional design of infrastructure, meeting technical law requirements. 3. The heads of administrative departments as experts for different subject areas (youth and family, integration, culture, economic development, ...) 4. Politicians as decision-makers regarding future development strategies and intersections with higher-order planning and development processes. 5. Academicians as relatively neutral observers and consultants on demand. This process is facilitated by an interdisciplinary team of moderators with expertise in co-creative, collaborative cooperation and landscape planning. Core phase of the process is 'room for experimentation' in which possible solution paths are experientially, performatively tested, because the body is profoundly part of information processing, perception and willingness to act (Storch et al., 2017). The room means possible solutions are experienced directly, not through polarizing discourse. All stakeholders gain expertise, prejudices are reduced, and visualized possible solutions disarm abstract debates. A central contribution of open and transparent engagement is strengthening pluralistic democratic political and social participation. Such real engagement creates empowering experiences, improve subjective well-being and help build identification with places of habitation, and willingness to engage in stewardship (Jaeger-Erben & Matthies 2014, Hunecke 2020). The living-space city is experienced - so why only think, and not experience its development? Brown, B. (2018). Dare to Lead. London: Vermilion, Ebury Publishing Gehl, J. (2019). Cities for People, Berlin Hunecke, M.(2020) Psychische Ressourcen für nachhaltige Lebensstiel - Eine Erweiterung der theoretischen Perspektive der Umweltpsychologie zur Förderung einer sozial-ökologischen Transformation. In: Umweltpsychologie, 24 Jg. Heft 2, 2020, 34-60 Jaeger-Erben, M. & Matthies, E. (2014). Urbanisierung und Nachhaltigkeit Umweltpsychologische Perspektiven auf Ansatzpunkte, Potentiale und Herausforderungen für eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung. Umweltpsychologie, 18 (2), 10-30. Selle, K. (2021). Glaubhaft beteiligen. In: Stiftung Mitarbeit (Hrsg.) Zugänge erschließen – Austausch ermöglichen. Arbeitshilfen für Selbsthilfe- und Bürgerinitiativen Nr. 54. Verlag Stiftung Mitarbeit, Bonn. Storch, M.; Cantieni, B.; Hüther, G.; Tschacher, W. (2017). Embodiment. Die Wechselwirkung von Körper und Psyche verstehen und nutzen. Göttingen: Hogrefe AG